Kang Hoon-sik, presidential chief of staff, abruptly offered his resignation on the 21st to President Lee Jae-myung as the president departed on a trip to the United States and Mexico. It is unusual for the head of the presidential staff — who is expected to remain at home and oversee state affairs while the president is abroad — to announce his departure on the very day of the president's flight. The move appears to be an attempt to take overall responsibility for the erosion of Lee's leadership, with his approval rating having fallen to the 30% range. The failure to vet nominees is cited as the decisive factor, after Kim Seung-won, the nominee for justice minister, and Yong Hye-in, the nominee for gender equality and family minister, withdrew amid a range of legal questions and ethical controversies.
At a meeting with senior secretaries the same day, Lee said he had "not yet decided" whether to accept Kang's resignation. It will not be easy for the president to let go of Kang, a three-term lawmaker from the governing party who has been a core aide at his side since his days as a presidential candidate. With the policy chief already gone amid turmoil in the property and stock markets, leaving the chief of staff post vacant as well — one of the three top posts overseeing the presidential staff, along with the policy and national security chiefs — would carry a heavy cost. Yet rejecting the resignation would likely invite criticism that no one is being held accountable for the disarray in the cabinet reshuffle.
Lee should accept Kang's decision in a broader spirit and treat it as a turning point for a sweeping overhaul of his administration. Rather than leaning toward hard-liners in the governing party and the large labor unions, he must weigh the voices of the public, the business community and the markets in a balanced way as he shapes policy on the economy, livelihoods, society, foreign affairs and security. It is also important that he move away from a micromanaging style of communication and empower public officials to lead on policy.
A personnel overhaul at the presidential office is the first step toward restoring public trust in such a shift. To begin with, the aides who brought about this appointment fiasco must be held accountable. The so-called "Gyeonggi-Seongnam group" also faces suspicions of wielding excessive influence over personnel decisions. Those handling political affairs should likewise ask themselves whether they can restore cooperation between the governing and opposition parties. What is needed is the promotion of people who read public sentiment and combine political instincts with policy coordination skills and expertise. Only by "taking a humbler posture and managing state affairs with greater care," as Lee put it that day, can he win back public trust and regain momentum in governing.
